It is thought that it was given its Euro-Australian name by an Australian explorer named Herbert Basedow in the 1920’s “on the basis of sounds made by players practising on the instrument” (Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia: 280).  As there are numerous groups across Australia’s top end which incorporate the instrument in their traditional practices, “there are almost as many Aboriginal names for the instrument as there are identifiable language groups” (Moyle:322).  Some of these are as follows: Yidaki (NE Arnhemland), Iraga (Groote Eylandt), Ilhambilbilg (Arnhemland), Kanbi (S Arnhemland), and around Darwin it is referred to as Gabang.

Today it is generally accepted that didgeridoos are made from the trunk of a eucalyptus tree, which has been hollowed out by termites.  The termites, or white ants, eat the heartwood of the host tree, and simultaneously create a nest within the latter using the tree’s digested wood fibre as their construction material.  The instrument is made by stripping off the exterior bark layers, cleaning out any remaining portions of the nest, and applying a mouthpiece made from bees wax to the smaller end should it be required.  Although not as durable as eucalyptus, native bamboo (b. arnhemica) is now increasingly being recognised as a traditional building material for these instruments as well.  As Dr. Alice Moyle points out: 

The fact that bamboo didjeridus were quite common among northerly groups in the Northern Territory during the last century is confirmed by the work “bamboo” used in the lingua franca by some Aborigines when referring to the instrument (Moyle: 322).

Although considerable emphasis is now placed on the significance of the didgeridoo within the context of traditional ceremony, it is important to keep in mind that it was one of several elements which combined to create a complete performance.  Of equal stature were the dancers, whose complex body movements illustrated the ancient stories being retold by perhaps the most significant performer-- the singer.  As Steven Knopoff points out in his article entitled Accompanying the Dreaming:

Clan song performance involves a significant degree of improvisation, particularly on the part of the song leader, who controls the flow from one song subject to the next, the choice of clapstick pattern and other aspects of performance…. The song leader is often a respected elder of middle aged clan leader with a large knowledge of song texts and musical patterns and the ability to organise performances involving many people and a voice that can hold up during many hours of daily performance.  The younger didgeriduist may be appreciated and respected for his musical skills, but his role within the ensemble is clearly that of an accompanist (Knopoff: 423).

Today, the didgeridoo as developed a dual personality.  In one breath, it is a traditional ceremonial accoutrement, and in the other, it is a commercial product geared ostensibly for Australia’s lucrative tourist industry.  Somewhere in between these two concepts lies the difficult issue of traditional protocols and the degree to which they are applicable outside of a traditional framework.  The most frequently discussed of these issues refers to a taboo, which, according to prevailing ideas, excludes women from playing didgeridoos.  This taboo, however, seems to have suffered greatly in its translation from one nation to the other.

According to Linda Barwick, in her essay entitled “Gender Taboos and Didjeridus” there is considerable evidence the Aboriginal women were well aquainted with the instrument and its use.  Furthermore, there appears to be several areas across Australia’s northern districts where “there was no prohibition on women’s playing” (Barwick: 90).  These appear to be in areas located in the eastern and western extremes of its traditional distribution.  Interestingly, even in areas where gender based taboos are strongly prevalent, it appears that women who are involved in producing didgeridoos for commercial resale are allowed to “play instruments to test their useability” (ibid).

It seems then, that a sharp distinction is drawn between a traditional Aboriginal approach to the instrument, and contemporary secular use of didgeridoos.  This ideas is given strength in Barwick’s discussion of several instances where senior male Aboriginal didgeridoo players have instructed non Aboriginal women in the instruments use (Barwick: 95).  I am also familiar with a non Aboriginal women, who, after having been granted permission to play, was asked by a senior male Aboriginal elder to teach his children to play (personal correspondences, 1998).  Ironically, “the area in which there seems to be the strictest restrictions on women playing and touching didjeridu appears to be the south east of Australia, where in fact didjeridu has only been recently introduced” (Barwick: 89).

It is indisputable that there are several Aboriginal nations which traditionally restrict didgeridoo playing outside of formal men’s ceremony.  Particularly in light of the enormous variety of Aboriginal cultures in Australia, however, it is impossible to make a statement which unequivocally apples to all.  Moreover, Aboriginal customs are mutable, allowing for changes in traditional law owing to and taking into account new, non-Aboriginal influences.  In my own use of the instrument, and in my instruction to pupils, I encourage everyone to be aware that didgeridoos are extremely culturally sensitive instruments, and to respect the wishes of those around them.  Therefore, if you have been advised by a member of a particular area to refrain from playing in public, it is common courtesy to respect the wishes of those whose country you are visiting; regardless of your own personal beliefs.  To use and analogy: if the owners of a household prefer to keep their residence smoke free, common sense dictates that you respect their wished whilst under their roof.

Didgeridoos have now spread throughout Australia, and indeed could be said to have become a symbol of Australia’s indigenous peoples.  In carrying a didgeridoo then, you have, in effect, become a cultural custodian by association.  As such, your own discovery of the culture which this instrument has come to symbolise is paramount.  Although the two instruments, so-called “didgeridoos” and their traditional and tribally specific counterparts have branched out in different directions, they have both grown from the same ground.  Discovering that common ground is one of the keys to cultural reconciliation.  In developing your own enthusiasm for Aboriginal culture through education, you can transmit that enthusiasm to others.  Knowledge is indeed power-the power to create positive change through cultural appreciation. 

Many years ago, I met an old Aboriginal didge player, and during our discussions about traditional versus contemporary use of the instrument, he said: “didgeridoos got some spirit in there; look after it and it will look after you- abuse it and it will abuse you back”.  Learning to play was my first look into an incredible group of cultures. Developing a deeper understanding of the cultures which my didge has come to represent was the next.   It was only then that I began to appreciate the complexity of the old fellow’s words. Hopefully, in doing the same, you will come to appreciate them as well.

Phillip Jackson
 
 

Barwick, Linda.  Gender Taboos and Didjeridus in The Didjeridu: From Arnhemland to Internet(ed. Karl Neuenfeldt), pp. 89-98.  Sydney:  John Libby &Co.  Pty. Ltd., 1997.

Blake, Barry J.  Australian Aboriginal Languages.  Sydney:  Angus & Roberston, 1984.

Ecyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia (ed. David Horton) pp. 280-282.  Canberra:  Aboriginal Studies Press for the Australian Institiute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, 1994.

Knopoff, Steven.  Accompanying the Dreaming in The Didjeridu: From Arnhemland to Internet (ed. Karl Neuenfeldt), pp. 89-98.  Sydney:  John Libby &Co.  Pty. Ltd., 1997.

Moyle, Alice M.  The Didjeridu:  A Late Musical Intrusion in World Archaeology (vol. 12/3), pp. 321-331.

Religion in Aboriginal Australia (ed. Charlesworth et al.).  St. Lucial:  University of Queensland Press, 1984.
 
 

Arden, Harvey.  Dreamkeepers.  New York: Harper, Collins, 1994.

Elkin, A.P.  Aboriginal Men of High Degree.  St. Lucia:  University of Queensland Press, 1994.

Lawlor, Robert.  Voices of the First Day.  New York:  Inner Traditions, 1991.

Lockwood, Douglas.  I the Aboriginal.  Adelaide:  Rigbvy, 1962.

Mowalarjai, David and Jutta Malnic. Yorro Yorro.  Broome:  Magabala Books, 1993

Neidje, Bill et al. Kakadu Man. NSW: Mybrood Pty. Ltd., 1985